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As with all casino bets, the player is limited to a chip maximum bet.

Unlike other casino games, which only have one outcome to bet upon, this maximum bet encompasses every bet the player makes on a single spin; for example, one can either make a single bet of on red, or two bets of on red and even, and so on as long as the total value of the bets does not exceed Inside bets usually include one number, or a narrow group of numbers, and are statistically more unlikely to come up a winner.

However, inside bets have better payouts to make up for their riskier odds. Outside bets are 'safer', as they usually include a large section of numbers on the roulette wheel. However, the payout for a outside bet is significantly lower, usually only 1-to-1 or 2-to A bet with a roughly chance and a decent payout would consist of putting chips on a color black or red and then putting more chips down on the even or odd but not both chances.

The bets and corresponding numbers, odds and payouts are shown below. The letters correspond to an example position shown on the betting table diagram to the right. Note that the following table assumes that all outcomes are equally likely; with high or low Luck this assumption doesn't hold, making the table completely useless. Like other gambling games, if Luck influences the result you will get a message "you feel lucky" when you win.


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It appears that Luck can only influence which of two adjacent numbers the ball will fall into. If loading directly after a losing spin, the player sees the following message: "The croupier is taking a minute to checking the wheel for bias, as an anti-cheating measure". Roulette play is then suspended for one minute. Sign In.

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Large-scale civil unrest retains the potential to bring down governments by unconstitutional means. Or it could impel the governments to respond to protests in ways unacceptable to the EU, no matter how eager the bloc might be for dialogue -- as Chisinau appears to have just done.

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The EU is congenitally unable to handle instability. Without a stable partner, the EU's "invisible hand" of piecemeal incentives designed to bring about incremental change has no leverage.

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Moscow has been long resentful of the expansion of EU influence into what used to be the territory of the Soviet Union. The vulnerability to instability of the EU's eastern designs gives Russia a very potent weapon to counter the spread of its influence. Russia certainly has the motive. Russia has also demonstrated a willingness to act on its grievances. The war against Georgia in August and the renewal of the gas squeeze on Ukraine earlier this year speak volumes. Loans dangled by Moscow before cash-strapped governments in Belarus, Ukraine, and Armenia are reported to have political strings attached.

Azerbaijan has been courted with generous offers for its entire gas production. But the events in Moldova show the answer could be much simpler. Fomenting instability would take very little engineering, assuming an element of imagination. Moscow has been unable to bring about regime change in either Georgia or Ukraine, but it looks as though it may not need to in order to stymie these countries' westward march. Their leaders are starting to get nervous and turn on their own -- thus hamstringing their countries' progress towards democracy.

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Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili last week claimed the opposition is being financed by Russian oligarchs. In Ukraine, President Viktor Yushchenko accused Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko of high treason in January after she signed a deal with Russia defusing the gas dispute between the two countries. In Moldova, a modicum of encouragement for the outgoing unreconstructed Communist President Vladimir Voronin may have been all it took.

Apart from the reports of brutal violence against protesters and mass arrests, Voronin went a long way towards alienating Romania, Moldova's natural ally in the EU, by accusing Bucharest of having had a hand in last week's unrest. Intriguingly, Russia also demonstrated a newfound interest in the OSCE's electoral observation capabilities, which it has consistently maligned for the past few years. Foreign Ministry spokesman Andrei Nesterenko was quoted on April 9 as having appealed to "international observers" to reject appeals for a rerun of the Moldovan ballot or a recount of the votes.

The absence of any one of the leaders of Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, or Georgia, for whatever reason, from the May 7 summit in Prague would seriously undermine the EU's Eastern Partnership.